<a href="http://www.realitybooks.co.uk/">Authored by Mark Keenan via RealityBooks.com,</a>

How debt-based money quietly became the engine of global control — and what real reform could look like...

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<h2>Introduction: Why Money Power Matters</h2>

Most people graduate school knowing trigonometry but not how money is created. We learn to vote for parties but rarely examine who shapes the economic terrain those parties must walk on. Yet for more than a century, the power to create money as interest-bearing debt has quietly concentrated economic and political control in private hands. The result is a world where nations strain under compounding obligations, public debate revolves around the margins of policy, and whole societies become dependent on a credit system they neither designed nor fully understand.

This essay distills key arguments and quotations (historical and contemporary) about how modern banking actually works, why debt has become the engine of governance, and what that means for sovereignty, prosperity, and even our moral compass. The aim is not to recycle slogans but to clarify mechanisms: how money enters circulation, who benefits first, who bears the risks, and why the system almost always demands more growth, more extraction, and more debt.

<h2>1) The Core Mechanism: Money as Debt, Not as Value</h2>

A century of central banking and commercial credit has normalized a simple but profound fact: most new money is created when banks make loans. As former U.S. Treasury Secretary Robert B. Anderson put it in 1959, when a bank issues a loan, it credits a deposit that did not exist the moment before; the new deposit is “new money.” In practice, this means the money supply expands primarily through private lending, not public issuance.

That mechanism is turbocharged by fractional-reserve banking and today by capital-based banking rules: banks do not lend out pre-existing savings one-for-one; they expand deposits by creating credit. Interest is attached to that credit, meaning the system requires continual new borrowing to service past borrowing. If credit creation slows materially, defaults rise, asset prices wobble, and political pressure mounts to “stimulate” again. In short, we live inside a treadmill that is far more credit-driven than most civics textbooks admit.

Critics from Henry Ford to John Scales Avery have argued that this arrangement is structurally unjust because it privatizes the seigniorage (the profit of creating money) and socializes the fallout (inflation, asset bubbles, austerity). Whether or not one accepts every claim these critics make, the underlying math is hard to ignore: when money arrives as interest-bearing debt, the system has a built-in bias toward ever-expanding leverage.

<h2>2) From Private Credit to Public Power: How We Got Here</h2>

Modern banking’s political leverage grew alongside institutions like the Bank of England and, later, the U.S. Federal Reserve (established in 1913). Whatever the intention of their founders, central banks now sit at the junction of state and finance: they are publicly mandated yet operationally insulated (and privately owned), coordinating liquidity to stabilize the system while commercial banks originate most money-like claims.

This hybrid design has real consequences. It allows a small circle of decision-makers to set the price of money (interest rates), backstop private balance sheets in crises, and influence fiscal choices by making some policies financially easy and others expensive. Former Fed Chair Alan Greenspan once emphasized the institution’s independence; the flip side of that independence is low democratic visibility over choices that shape every mortgage, job market, and public budget.

Beyond national central banks lies the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) in Basel — often called the “central bank of central banks.” Through standards (Basel accords) and coordination, it helps align global banking rules. Critics argue this produces a technocratic layer of control over national economies with little public oversight. Whether one views that as prudent stewardship or as democratic deficit, it underscores a theme: the architecture of money governance is largely opaque to the public it governs.

<h2>3) Debt as an Organizing Principle: Nations on the Hook</h2>

If money is introduced mainly through borrowing, then borrowers become the gearwheels of the system. This is true of households, firms, and crucially governments. National debts have exploded over decades. Interest on those debts is neither a schoolbook abstraction nor a harmless line item: it diverts tax revenue from public goods to creditor claims year after year.

Concrete examples illustrate the point. Countries such as Ireland have paid billions annually in debt interest, amounts that can reach a significant share of national profits in strong years. Canada has spent tens of billions per year on interest at various points. The United States services hundreds of billions annually. The deeper the debt stock and the higher the rates, the more fiscal space narrows — and the easier it is for outside creditors and institutions to demand policy concessions as the price of liquidity.

International lending reinforces the pattern. When a country is pulled into a crisis, the usual medicine involves austerity and privatization in exchange for financing — effectively transferring public assets and future cash flows into private hands. Even when such programs stabilize a currency, they often leave a legacy of reduced sovereignty and social strain. Either way, the organizing principle remains: service the debt first.

<h2>4) Why Perpetual Growth Feels Non-Negotiable</h2>

Once you grasp that interest-bearing credit is the dominant source of new money, the politics of “growth at any cost” make more sense. If economies must expand to service past obligations, then policymakers are incentivized to chase GDP even when the ecological or social returns are negative. This is why governments of every stripe tend to converge on similar policies when growth stalls: tax incentives to borrow and invest, financial repression to keep rates low, deficit spending to plug holes, and pressure on central banks to ease again.

Critics like Roy Madron, John Jopling, and John Scales Avery have argued that this growth-dependency crowds out other goals: equitable distribution, environmental stewardship, and cultural stability. It also explains why mainstream debates often avoid the root structure and instead focus on the speed of the treadmill. We argue about 2% vs. 3% inflation rather than who issues money, who captures seigniorage, and who eats the losses when cycles turn.

<h2>5) The Federal Reserve: Public Mandate, Private Origins</h2>

The Federal Reserve occupies an unusual space: a public mandate (stable prices, maximum employment) implemented through a system owned by member banks at the regional level. Court language has long acknowledged that Federal Reserve Banks are corporate entities with private shareholders (commercial banks) electing many directors. The Board of Governors is a federal agency, but the operational plumbing marries public purpose with private infrastructure.

From an accountability standpoint, this hybrid model raises fair questions:

<ul><li>
	Who ultimately benefits when the Fed backstops markets?
	</li>
	<li>
	How do we balance public interest with the stability of private balance sheets?
	</li>
	<li>
	Why is the creation and allocation of money largely engineered by institutions that citizens do not vote for?
	</li>
</ul>Even defenders of the status quo should concede that the communications gap is vast: the average citizen has little idea how reserves, repos, and facilities translate into real-world wealth effects. That lack of transparency naturally makes people suspicious — even when the suspicion isn’t always justified — because it means the public has little idea how major financial decisions are made or who benefits from them. In the end, this secrecy prevents ordinary citizens and their representatives from openly debating choices that affect everyone’s livelihoods.

<h2>6) Usury, Inflation, and the Cost of “Stability”</h2>

When money is predominantly debt, interest is not a side note; it is a structural tax on all who need money to transact. Banks, by creating credit, collect streams of interest that compound through the system. Meanwhile, inflation — the dilution of purchasing power — often becomes a necessary byproduct of keeping debt-loads serviceable. In practice, inflation acts as a stealth transfer from savers and wage earners to those closer to the spigot of new money (large financial institutions and asset owners).

This is not an argument to abolish credit; modern economies need flexible financing. It is an argument to name the trade-offs honestly. When we call monetary loosening a “stimulus,” we should also disclose who absorbs the loss in purchasing power and who gains from asset inflation. When we raise rates to “fight inflation,” we should admit the cost in jobs, bankruptcies, and public budgets. Stability is never free; it is reallocated volatility.

<h2>7) The Global Layer: Coordination Without Consent</h2>

Beyond national systems lies a web of global coordination — standards, swap lines, and lender-of-last-resort arrangements that knit economies together. Institutions such as the BIS, the IMF, and development banks shape the terms of liquidity and restructuring. Supporters say this is necessary to prevent contagion; critics counter that it allows a transnational financial class to set conditions on democratic societies in moments of maximum vulnerability.

Both views can be true. But whichever side you take, the outcome is similar: creditors hold leverage, and policy follows balance-sheet realities. The deeper the debt and the tighter the markets, the narrower the options for governments and citizens. This is not a conspiracy; it is a design choice we rarely discuss.

<h2>8) Sovereignty, Media, and the Narrative Problem</h2>

The power to create money and allocate credit inevitably spills into media and politics. Owners of major financial claims own or influence the platforms that shape public narratives. This does not mean that every newsroom takes orders from a bank; it does mean that structural critiques of debt-money systems are often marginalized, while surface controversies get saturation coverage.

The result is a public perpetually debating symptoms — inequality, housing bubbles, wage stagnation, austerity — without interrogating the monetary architecture that channels outcomes. Representative democracy then becomes a choice between parties that manage the same treadmill at different speeds.

<h2>9) The Ethical Dimension: Stewardship vs. Exploitation</h2>

Strip away the technicalities and we’re left with a moral question: What is money for? If it’s a public utility that measures and mobilizes real work and resources, then its creation and allocation should be transparent, accountable, and aligned with the common good. If money is something sold for profit and interest instead of managed for the public good, then we should at least admit we’re living in a world where banks’ claims on our future work matter more than people’s well-being today.

Across traditions — secular and spiritual — there runs a consistent thread: wealth is stewardship, not ownership. “Dominion” over the earth does not mean permission to strip-mine the future; it means responsibility for the living systems that sustain us. Any economic architecture that demands perpetual extraction to service compounding claims will eventually collide with ecological limits and human dignity.

<h2>10) What Reform Could Mean (Without Utopian Promises)</h2>

This essay does not prescribe a single fix, but it points toward principles that reformers across the spectrum could evaluate:

<ol><li>
	Monetary transparency: Citizens deserve clear explanations of how money enters circulation, who receives it first, and on what terms.
	</li>
	<li>
	Seigniorage for the public: Explore mechanisms by which the gains from money creation serve public priorities rather than accruing primarily to private balance sheets.
	</li>
	<li>
	Counter-cyclical buffers: Policies that reduce boom-bust extremes (e.g., stricter leverage in booms; automatic stabilizers in busts) can mitigate the human cost of credit cycles.
	</li>
	<li>
	Sovereign capacity: Restore and protect national capacity to issue money or public credit directly for real-economy projects, with independent audits to curb abuse.
	</li>
	<li>
	Ethical limits: Recognize that any system demanding infinite growth on a finite planet is mathematically fragile and morally shortsighted. Design for resilience over hype.
	</li>
</ol>These are not radical ideas; they are overdue discussions in a world where nearly everyone is a debtor, directly or indirectly, to a machine that few understand.

I explore these dynamics in greater depth in my book The Debt Machine: How Private Banks Engineered Global Control, which traces how private money creation became the hidden architecture of global power — and how sovereign nations can reclaim control over credit and policy.

<h2>Conclusion: Seeing the Machine</h2>

If you remember only one thing, let it be this: money is not neutral. How it is created, who controls its issuance, and what claims attach to it determine the shape of our economies and the boundaries of our politics. We can disagree about the best reforms, but we can no longer afford civic illiteracy about the monetary plumbing that governs our lives.

In a healthy society, the architecture of money would be a public conversation, not a specialist’s secret. Until then, the treadmill will keep turning — and those closest to the controls will keep deciding how fast the rest of us must run.

*  *  *

Mark Keenan is a former United Nations technical expert and the author of The Debt Machine: How Private Banks Engineered Global Control and Climate CO₂ Hoax: How Bankers Hijacked the Environment Movement. His work examines how global finance and policy networks shape the modern world behind the scenes.

How debt-based money quietly became the engine of global control — and what real reform could look like...


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